Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein trav­els across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, the United States, Britain, Greece, and Australia to witness the reality of disaster capitalism. He discovers how companies such as G4S, Serco, and Halliburton cash in on or­ganized misery in a hidden world of privatized detention centers, militarized private security, aid profiteering, and destructive mining.

Disaster has become big business. Talking to immigrants stuck in limbo in Britain or visiting immigration centers in America, Loewenstein maps the secret networks formed to help cor­porations bleed what profits they can from economic crisis. He debates with Western contractors in Afghanistan, meets the locals in post-earthquake Haiti, and in Greece finds a country at the mercy of vulture profiteers. In Papua New Guinea, he sees a local commu­nity forced to rebel against predatory resource companies and NGOs.

What emerges through Loewenstein’s re­porting is a dark history of multinational corpo­rations that, with the aid of media and political elites, have grown more powerful than national governments. In the twenty-first century, the vulnerable have become the world’s most valu­able commodity. Disaster Capitalism is published by Verso in 2015 and in paperback in January 2017.

Profits_of_doom_cover_350Vulture capitalism has seen the corporation become more powerful than the state, and yet its work is often done by stealth, supported by political and media elites. The result is privatised wars and outsourced detention centres, mining companies pillaging precious land in developing countries and struggling nations invaded by NGOs and the corporate dollar. Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein travels to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea and across Australia to witness the reality of this largely hidden world of privatised detention centres, outsourced aid, destructive resource wars and militarized private security. Who is involved and why? Can it be stopped? What are the alternatives in a globalised world? Profits of Doom, published in 2013 and released in an updated edition in 2014, challenges the fundamentals of our unsustainable way of life and the money-making imperatives driving it. It is released in an updated edition in 2014.
forgodssakecover Four Australian thinkers come together to ask and answer the big questions, such as: What is the nature of the universe? Doesn't religion cause most of the conflict in the world? And Where do we find hope?   We are introduced to different belief systems – Judaism, Christianity, Islam – and to the argument that atheism, like organised religion, has its own compelling logic. And we gain insight into the life events that led each author to their current position.   Jane Caro flirted briefly with spiritual belief, inspired by 19th century literary heroines such as Elizabeth Gaskell and the Bronte sisters. Antony Loewenstein is proudly culturally, yet unconventionally, Jewish. Simon Smart is firmly and resolutely a Christian, but one who has had some of his most profound spiritual moments while surfing. Rachel Woodlock grew up in the alternative embrace of Baha'i belief but became entranced by its older parent religion, Islam.   Provocative, informative and passionately argued, For God's Sakepublished in 2013, encourages us to accept religious differences, but to also challenge more vigorously the beliefs that create discord.  
After Zionism, published in 2012 and 2013 with co-editor Ahmed Moor, brings together some of the world s leading thinkers on the Middle East question to dissect the century-long conflict between Zionism and the Palestinians, and to explore possible forms of a one-state solution. Time has run out for the two-state solution because of the unending and permanent Jewish colonization of Palestinian land. Although deep mistrust exists on both sides of the conflict, growing numbers of Palestinians and Israelis, Jews and Arabs are working together to forge a different, unified future. Progressive and realist ideas are at last gaining a foothold in the discourse, while those influenced by the colonial era have been discredited or abandoned. Whatever the political solution may be, Palestinian and Israeli lives are intertwined, enmeshed, irrevocably. This daring and timely collection includes essays by Omar Barghouti, Jonathan Cook, Joseph Dana, Jeremiah Haber, Jeff Halper, Ghada Karmi, Antony Loewenstein, Saree Makdisi, John Mearsheimer, Ahmed Moor, Ilan Pappe, Sara Roy and Phil Weiss.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the door for a bold, progressive social movement. But despite widespread revulsion at economic inequity and political opportunism, after the crash very little has changed. Has the Left failed? What agenda should progressives pursue? And what alternatives do they dare to imagine? Left Turn, published by Melbourne University Press in 2012 and co-edited with Jeff Sparrow, is aimed at the many Australians disillusioned with the political process. It includes passionate and challenging contributions by a diverse range of writers, thinkers and politicians, from Larissa Berendht and Christos Tsiolkas to Guy Rundle and Lee Rhiannon. These essays offer perspectives largely excluded from the mainstream. They offer possibilities for resistance and for a renewed struggle for change.
The Blogging Revolution, released by Melbourne University Press in 2008, is a colourful and revelatory account of bloggers around the globe why live and write under repressive regimes - many of them risking their lives in doing so. Antony Loewenstein's travels take him to private parties in Iran and Egypt, internet cafes in Saudi Arabia and Damascus, to the homes of Cuban dissidents and into newspaper offices in Beijing, where he discovers the ways in which the internet is threatening the ruld of governments. Through first-hand investigations, he reveals the complicity of Western multinationals in assisting the restriction of information in these countries and how bloggers are leading the charge for change. The blogging revolution is a superb examination about the nature of repression in the twenty-first century and the power of brave individuals to overcome it. It was released in an updated edition in 2011, post the Arab revolutions, and an updated Indian print version in 2011.
The best-selling book on the Israel/Palestine conflict, My Israel Question - on Jewish identity, the Zionist lobby, reporting from Palestine and future Middle East directions - was released by Melbourne University Press in 2006. A new, updated edition was released in 2007 (and reprinted again in 2008). The book was short-listed for the 2007 NSW Premier's Literary Award. Another fully updated, third edition was published in 2009. It was released in all e-book formats in 2011. An updated and translated edition was published in Arabic in 2012.

Are we allowed to talk about the oil yet?

Now that the proposed Iraqi oil law is out in the open, war supporters like Christopher Hitchens are busy setting up false arguments and trying to convince us that the laws are not what they seem. You see, Hitchens thinks that this gift of freedom from the selfless oil giants will lessen the motivation for the insurgency and put the violence to rest.

Why didn’t we think of this before?

If there is any gut reaction against the word “oil” on the part of Americans, it isn’t about the Iraqis themselves, or ways they might better divide up oil revenues. To put it mildly, it’s the unsettling feeling that none of the rationales that the Bush administration has ever presented for why we needed to invade Iraq seem to add up, so if there were a real reason we invaded (one they were uncomfortable sharing with us) perhaps it might be about oil. Shocking I know.

It is always amusing to hear anyone from the Right talk about ‘giving the oil wealth to the people’. Such a noble socialist agenda indeed.

Most ironic, was that the Baath Party was socialist and actually had the type of centralized government that did real oil wealth distribution. Which is one of the reasons that Iraq’s economy was right up there with pre-capitalist Eastern Europe even before the invasion.

The second is that pre 1st gulf war Iraq’s oil revenue stood at around $15billion per year. Impressive until you think that the operation in Iraq is currently costing the US 2 billion a week. Oil revenue alone is not going to foot the bill.

Third, US taxpayers are certain to demand a reduction in Iraq costs, and Iraq oil revenue is then likely to go into projects currently funded by the US taxpayer (isn’t it always?).

Any way the deal is cut, it will be the government and private oil operators that will get the oil profits. Oil makes big revenues, but does not require a huge workforce, and besides, the new oil laws don’t require the oil companies to invest 1 cent in the Iraqi economy – so what will the rest of the Iraqis do? Get a socialist welfare check? And this helps everyone how exactly?

And finally, there is the small issue of the civil war on at the moment. Private oil companies need big security to put in the kind of money that is required for oil infrastructure. And these guys have real money on the line, and are known to be in touch with reality, so the pathetic surge will not likely sway them. Sure they can privately defend their oil platform fortresses, but this only drives up costs. And when the Americans go, then what direction will the new Iraqi democracy take? Big risks mean companies will demand big BIG money from Iraq and the USA.

These realities kinda sink the idea that the Iraqi’s are going to see much change after all is said and done.

Rather than fall for the false optimism of people like Hitchens who’ve been wrong about everything so far, a healthy does of skepticism is called for. Does it really seem that common-sense concerns about economic policy are the driving force behind the insurgency at this stage of the game? Are people who are embroiled in ethnic hatred and vendettas, really just holding out for a more equitable system of revenue sharing? Is it likely that people who slaughter civilians by the tens or hundreds of thousands are really interested in something like democracy, or ways to make it work more successfully?

Hitchens evidently thinks so.

So I’ll let him cheer the golden goose, showering money on all the Iraqis and making them so happy that they hug each other with joy instead of shooting. Because we know from experience that oil has had such a huge positive impact on other fledgling democracies, how can this law possibly go wrong?

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