Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein trav­els across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, the United States, Britain, Greece, and Australia to witness the reality of disaster capitalism. He discovers how companies such as G4S, Serco, and Halliburton cash in on or­ganized misery in a hidden world of privatized detention centers, militarized private security, aid profiteering, and destructive mining.

Disaster has become big business. Talking to immigrants stuck in limbo in Britain or visiting immigration centers in America, Loewenstein maps the secret networks formed to help cor­porations bleed what profits they can from economic crisis. He debates with Western contractors in Afghanistan, meets the locals in post-earthquake Haiti, and in Greece finds a country at the mercy of vulture profiteers. In Papua New Guinea, he sees a local commu­nity forced to rebel against predatory resource companies and NGOs.

What emerges through Loewenstein’s re­porting is a dark history of multinational corpo­rations that, with the aid of media and political elites, have grown more powerful than national governments. In the twenty-first century, the vulnerable have become the world’s most valu­able commodity. Disaster Capitalism is published by Verso in 2015 and in paperback in January 2017.

Profits_of_doom_cover_350Vulture capitalism has seen the corporation become more powerful than the state, and yet its work is often done by stealth, supported by political and media elites. The result is privatised wars and outsourced detention centres, mining companies pillaging precious land in developing countries and struggling nations invaded by NGOs and the corporate dollar. Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein travels to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea and across Australia to witness the reality of this largely hidden world of privatised detention centres, outsourced aid, destructive resource wars and militarized private security. Who is involved and why? Can it be stopped? What are the alternatives in a globalised world? Profits of Doom, published in 2013 and released in an updated edition in 2014, challenges the fundamentals of our unsustainable way of life and the money-making imperatives driving it. It is released in an updated edition in 2014.
forgodssakecover Four Australian thinkers come together to ask and answer the big questions, such as: What is the nature of the universe? Doesn't religion cause most of the conflict in the world? And Where do we find hope?   We are introduced to different belief systems – Judaism, Christianity, Islam – and to the argument that atheism, like organised religion, has its own compelling logic. And we gain insight into the life events that led each author to their current position.   Jane Caro flirted briefly with spiritual belief, inspired by 19th century literary heroines such as Elizabeth Gaskell and the Bronte sisters. Antony Loewenstein is proudly culturally, yet unconventionally, Jewish. Simon Smart is firmly and resolutely a Christian, but one who has had some of his most profound spiritual moments while surfing. Rachel Woodlock grew up in the alternative embrace of Baha'i belief but became entranced by its older parent religion, Islam.   Provocative, informative and passionately argued, For God's Sakepublished in 2013, encourages us to accept religious differences, but to also challenge more vigorously the beliefs that create discord.  
After Zionism, published in 2012 and 2013 with co-editor Ahmed Moor, brings together some of the world s leading thinkers on the Middle East question to dissect the century-long conflict between Zionism and the Palestinians, and to explore possible forms of a one-state solution. Time has run out for the two-state solution because of the unending and permanent Jewish colonization of Palestinian land. Although deep mistrust exists on both sides of the conflict, growing numbers of Palestinians and Israelis, Jews and Arabs are working together to forge a different, unified future. Progressive and realist ideas are at last gaining a foothold in the discourse, while those influenced by the colonial era have been discredited or abandoned. Whatever the political solution may be, Palestinian and Israeli lives are intertwined, enmeshed, irrevocably. This daring and timely collection includes essays by Omar Barghouti, Jonathan Cook, Joseph Dana, Jeremiah Haber, Jeff Halper, Ghada Karmi, Antony Loewenstein, Saree Makdisi, John Mearsheimer, Ahmed Moor, Ilan Pappe, Sara Roy and Phil Weiss.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the door for a bold, progressive social movement. But despite widespread revulsion at economic inequity and political opportunism, after the crash very little has changed. Has the Left failed? What agenda should progressives pursue? And what alternatives do they dare to imagine? Left Turn, published by Melbourne University Press in 2012 and co-edited with Jeff Sparrow, is aimed at the many Australians disillusioned with the political process. It includes passionate and challenging contributions by a diverse range of writers, thinkers and politicians, from Larissa Berendht and Christos Tsiolkas to Guy Rundle and Lee Rhiannon. These essays offer perspectives largely excluded from the mainstream. They offer possibilities for resistance and for a renewed struggle for change.
The Blogging Revolution, released by Melbourne University Press in 2008, is a colourful and revelatory account of bloggers around the globe why live and write under repressive regimes - many of them risking their lives in doing so. Antony Loewenstein's travels take him to private parties in Iran and Egypt, internet cafes in Saudi Arabia and Damascus, to the homes of Cuban dissidents and into newspaper offices in Beijing, where he discovers the ways in which the internet is threatening the ruld of governments. Through first-hand investigations, he reveals the complicity of Western multinationals in assisting the restriction of information in these countries and how bloggers are leading the charge for change. The blogging revolution is a superb examination about the nature of repression in the twenty-first century and the power of brave individuals to overcome it. It was released in an updated edition in 2011, post the Arab revolutions, and an updated Indian print version in 2011.
The best-selling book on the Israel/Palestine conflict, My Israel Question - on Jewish identity, the Zionist lobby, reporting from Palestine and future Middle East directions - was released by Melbourne University Press in 2006. A new, updated edition was released in 2007 (and reprinted again in 2008). The book was short-listed for the 2007 NSW Premier's Literary Award. Another fully updated, third edition was published in 2009. It was released in all e-book formats in 2011. An updated and translated edition was published in Arabic in 2012.

Israel has room to move and she knows it

While Israel bombs Gaza and injures a number of Palestinian children, The Cable reports on the latest theatre performance between Israel and Washington:

The Obama administration’s list of “actions” it wants to see from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is open to negotiation, not a hard list of demands as many believe, according to one Obama administration official close to the discussions.

The list was delivered to Netanyahu during his two-plus hours of meetings with President Obama last week. There has been a host of reporting about what the actions were that Obama sought from Netanyahu, none of it confirmed by a White House that sees it as crucial to keep the discussions private after the U.S.-Israel dispute over East Jerusalem construction blew up in a very public way last month.

A widely read report in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz claimed that the United States views a four-month settlement freeze as a way to induce the Palestinians to conduct direct negotiations with Israel, rather than the proximity talks Vice President Joseph Biden trumpeted in Israel just before the Israeli Interior Ministry announced that 1,600 new housing units has been approved in contested East Jerusalem. Several administration officials declined to give any readout of the Obama-Netanyahu meeting, saying they just don’t want to spell out what Obama asked of Netanyahu because they don’t want to be boxed into any specific perception of what a solution would look like.

Now, more than a week after Netanyahu’s return to Israel and with still no apparent break in the impasse between the two close allies, one administration official tells The Cable that the U.S. side is open to Netanyahu coming back to the administration with his own alternative ideas about how to satisfy U.S. concerns about Israel’s commitment to the peace process.

“The Israelis could propose something that wasn’t included in the specific actions we raised,” the official explained. “They could come up with other things that complement what we put forth … it’s possible for them to be creative.”  The official was quick to point out that the U.S. is still putting pressure on Netanyahu to take specific actions to “improve the atmosphere” and demonstrate Israel’s willingness to repair what is perceived in Washington as a breach of trust.

“Whatever they do must meet the level of seriousness and magnitude of the specific actions we proposed, and be responsive to the issues we raised,” the official said.

Regardless, the Obama team is now in waiting mode. “The ball is more or less in their court at the moment,” the official said of the Israelis.

Some observers interpreted the official’s remarks as a sign the administration is backpeddling from its initially tougher stance by easing off its demand that Netanyahu agree to the U.S. requests as they were.

“They’re backing down,” one Middle East hand said of the Obama team. “There’s a recognition that they put themselves in a box and they are trying to find a way out of it. They are trying to find a way to move forward.”

Others disagree.

“They’re not backing down,” said New America Foundation fellow Daniel Levy. “By keeping their demands private, by definition they are preserving a measure of flexibility.”

It’s somewhat unclear whether or not the administration’s flexibility is incongruent with what Obama told Netanyahu in their private meeting because the White House has been so tight-lipped about it. But one diplomatic source said that when Obama gave Netanyahu his list of requests, it was not open for negotiation.

The flexibility is certainly a step back from the list of demands that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton initially gave NetanyahuP.J. Crowley said that afternoon. in her angry March 12 phone call. “She did outline for Prime Minister Netanyahu some specific things that we wanted to see from the Israeli government,” State Department spokesman

Only time will tell if Obama will be compelled to further concede to whatever it is Netanyahu feels he can deliver on the issue.

“The backing down will have to be judged by what they ultimately accept from the Israelis,” said Rob Malley, Middle East program director at the International Crisis Group and a former top advisor to President Bill Clinton.

Malley said that the underlying question — where the process goes from here and how to construct a lasting peace process that includes the Palestinians — is not even addressed by this back and forth.

“All of this just begs the question of where the process is going,” he said. “If and when we get over this crisis, it will not be a crisis resolved. It will be a crisis deferred.”

Meanwhile, Obama is projecting confidence. “I think Prime Minister Netanyahu intellectually understands that he has got to take some bold steps. I think politically he feels it,” Obama told the cable network MSNBC on Tuesday.

As for who is winning the battle of the wills between Obama and Netanyahu, most experts feel that the longer the dispute goes on, the worse it is for both sides.

“Both of them are losers, because neither has an effective strategy to manage the current tensions in the U.S.-Israel relationship much less move forward the core interests shared between the two countries,” said former U.S. negotiator Aaron David Miller. “Until they find it, you can expect more dysfunction and soap opera.”

one comment ↪
  • Marilyn

    The real question is why the US and the rest spend so much frigging time and money pandering to the mob of criminals.

    Good grief it is like a tiresome dance macabre between Machiavelli and Goebbels

     as the rest seek to pander and jump when the Israeli jews say jump and the propaganda machine of the said jews that would rival Goebbels on his most disinterested day.

    Israel is not special, it is not a state, it does not deserve to be pampered and treated like some little fucking god by the most powerful country on earth.

    Just tell the morons to uphold the rule of law.

    Except of course the US had no moral authority and never have.