Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein trav­els across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, the United States, Britain, Greece, and Australia to witness the reality of disaster capitalism. He discovers how companies such as G4S, Serco, and Halliburton cash in on or­ganized misery in a hidden world of privatized detention centers, militarized private security, aid profiteering, and destructive mining.

Disaster has become big business. Talking to immigrants stuck in limbo in Britain or visiting immigration centers in America, Loewenstein maps the secret networks formed to help cor­porations bleed what profits they can from economic crisis. He debates with Western contractors in Afghanistan, meets the locals in post-earthquake Haiti, and in Greece finds a country at the mercy of vulture profiteers. In Papua New Guinea, he sees a local commu­nity forced to rebel against predatory resource companies and NGOs.

What emerges through Loewenstein’s re­porting is a dark history of multinational corpo­rations that, with the aid of media and political elites, have grown more powerful than national governments. In the twenty-first century, the vulnerable have become the world’s most valu­able commodity. Disaster Capitalism is published by Verso in 2015 and in paperback in January 2017.

Profits_of_doom_cover_350Vulture capitalism has seen the corporation become more powerful than the state, and yet its work is often done by stealth, supported by political and media elites. The result is privatised wars and outsourced detention centres, mining companies pillaging precious land in developing countries and struggling nations invaded by NGOs and the corporate dollar. Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein travels to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea and across Australia to witness the reality of this largely hidden world of privatised detention centres, outsourced aid, destructive resource wars and militarized private security. Who is involved and why? Can it be stopped? What are the alternatives in a globalised world? Profits of Doom, published in 2013 and released in an updated edition in 2014, challenges the fundamentals of our unsustainable way of life and the money-making imperatives driving it. It is released in an updated edition in 2014.
forgodssakecover Four Australian thinkers come together to ask and answer the big questions, such as: What is the nature of the universe? Doesn't religion cause most of the conflict in the world? And Where do we find hope?   We are introduced to different belief systems – Judaism, Christianity, Islam – and to the argument that atheism, like organised religion, has its own compelling logic. And we gain insight into the life events that led each author to their current position.   Jane Caro flirted briefly with spiritual belief, inspired by 19th century literary heroines such as Elizabeth Gaskell and the Bronte sisters. Antony Loewenstein is proudly culturally, yet unconventionally, Jewish. Simon Smart is firmly and resolutely a Christian, but one who has had some of his most profound spiritual moments while surfing. Rachel Woodlock grew up in the alternative embrace of Baha'i belief but became entranced by its older parent religion, Islam.   Provocative, informative and passionately argued, For God's Sakepublished in 2013, encourages us to accept religious differences, but to also challenge more vigorously the beliefs that create discord.  
After Zionism, published in 2012 and 2013 with co-editor Ahmed Moor, brings together some of the world s leading thinkers on the Middle East question to dissect the century-long conflict between Zionism and the Palestinians, and to explore possible forms of a one-state solution. Time has run out for the two-state solution because of the unending and permanent Jewish colonization of Palestinian land. Although deep mistrust exists on both sides of the conflict, growing numbers of Palestinians and Israelis, Jews and Arabs are working together to forge a different, unified future. Progressive and realist ideas are at last gaining a foothold in the discourse, while those influenced by the colonial era have been discredited or abandoned. Whatever the political solution may be, Palestinian and Israeli lives are intertwined, enmeshed, irrevocably. This daring and timely collection includes essays by Omar Barghouti, Jonathan Cook, Joseph Dana, Jeremiah Haber, Jeff Halper, Ghada Karmi, Antony Loewenstein, Saree Makdisi, John Mearsheimer, Ahmed Moor, Ilan Pappe, Sara Roy and Phil Weiss.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the door for a bold, progressive social movement. But despite widespread revulsion at economic inequity and political opportunism, after the crash very little has changed. Has the Left failed? What agenda should progressives pursue? And what alternatives do they dare to imagine? Left Turn, published by Melbourne University Press in 2012 and co-edited with Jeff Sparrow, is aimed at the many Australians disillusioned with the political process. It includes passionate and challenging contributions by a diverse range of writers, thinkers and politicians, from Larissa Berendht and Christos Tsiolkas to Guy Rundle and Lee Rhiannon. These essays offer perspectives largely excluded from the mainstream. They offer possibilities for resistance and for a renewed struggle for change.
The Blogging Revolution, released by Melbourne University Press in 2008, is a colourful and revelatory account of bloggers around the globe why live and write under repressive regimes - many of them risking their lives in doing so. Antony Loewenstein's travels take him to private parties in Iran and Egypt, internet cafes in Saudi Arabia and Damascus, to the homes of Cuban dissidents and into newspaper offices in Beijing, where he discovers the ways in which the internet is threatening the ruld of governments. Through first-hand investigations, he reveals the complicity of Western multinationals in assisting the restriction of information in these countries and how bloggers are leading the charge for change. The blogging revolution is a superb examination about the nature of repression in the twenty-first century and the power of brave individuals to overcome it. It was released in an updated edition in 2011, post the Arab revolutions, and an updated Indian print version in 2011.
The best-selling book on the Israel/Palestine conflict, My Israel Question - on Jewish identity, the Zionist lobby, reporting from Palestine and future Middle East directions - was released by Melbourne University Press in 2006. A new, updated edition was released in 2007 (and reprinted again in 2008). The book was short-listed for the 2007 NSW Premier's Literary Award. Another fully updated, third edition was published in 2009. It was released in all e-book formats in 2011. An updated and translated edition was published in Arabic in 2012.

Flotilla anger threatens to sink Jewish state

That’s a headline in today’s Murdoch Australian that indicates a growing fear within the Zionist community. The piece by Abraham Rabinovich is remarkably measured (mostly, anyway) and includes this:

The explosion of anger [after the flotilla massacre] is unlikely to have been touched off by a transient episode such as the interdiction of the flotilla. A more probable explanation is Israel’s failure over four decades to find a way to end its occupation of the Palestinian territories. The resentment has accumulated like leaking gas that can be ignited by a random spark.

Defence Minister Ehud Barak acknowledged this when he told his cabinet colleagues last week that “a daring and assertive political initiative” aimed at achieving a peace agreement with the Palestinians was necessary if Israel is to emerge from its international isolation.

The isolation has become pronounced since Benjamin Netanyahu became Prime Minister last year. Under intense pressure from Washington, Netanyahu declared his readiness to accept a Palestinian state alongside Israel, but his repeated statements that Israel must build Jewish homes in East Jerusalem, his appeasement of West Bank settlers, his failure ever to paint an optimistic picture of co-existence with the Palestinians, suggest he does not, deep down, believe in it.

The Palestinians, of course, are no less to blame than Israel for the political stalemate, given their internal rivalries, their past negotiating positions and their recourse to terror.

The lesson of the flotilla affair for Israel is that the status quo, which has lasted for 43 years, is no longer viable. The world has lost patience with the ongoing conflict and it wants Israel, as the occupying power, to do more to resolve it.

Sadly, there is no evidence that Israel and its main Diaspora supporters are doing anything to address these concerns.

  • Aaron

    Antony. you're being generous when you describe the piece as measured – even with your qualifier "mostly".

    1. How has Rabinovich come to his conclusions about the actions of the IDF in raiding the flotilla? I surmise, by believing everything the Israel MFA said, and ignoring any evidence to the contrary including testimony of journalists & participants onboard, smuggled photos and video evidence – not to mention the very fact that confiscating all that materials suggests a cover-up, and autopsies that have revealed execution style shooting by the IDF. I vote for a real independent investigation – before coming to any definite conclusions about the IDF intentions and behaviours, but, on evidence to date it's not looking good [for Israel].

    2. Blaming Palestinians (even equally) for the continuation of the occupation when clearly Israel wants it to continue and the occupied population (and their leaders) don't, and it's been that way for several decades. None of the reasons he gives are adequate; if Israel really wanted to end the occupation it could do so unilaterally – or it could negotiate seriously. Why doesn't Rabinovich mention the 500,000 settlers or more than 50% of Israel's fresh water supply being illegally extracted from the West Bank aquifers when talking about reasons the occupation continues?

    3. He misrepresents the Arab Peace Initiative on the issue of right of return. While acknowledging API calls for a "just solution" he first ignores that it doesn't dictate terms and doesn't mention UN194 (which explicitly calls for full right of return), then falsely states API calls for right of return. Simply, right of return isn;t going away as an issue, and no amount of wishing on a star [of david] will make it so. I personally think the idea of the "jewish state" is on par w/ the aryan state, or White Australia, ie it stinks. That aside, serious negotiations by Israel could acknowledge the reality that right of return is legitimate, and offer a serious financial settlement (like a few million bucks serious) for every Palestinian willing to return to the Palestinian state, not the Israeli state. And what of the Arab League Fez Initiative of 1982? It offered similar terms to the API 3 decades ago, also ignored by Israel. Rabinovich speaks as though the API was a complete shock and new strategy by the Arab League; hardly.

  • iResistDe4iAm

    "…if the Gaza blockade was broken by vessels carrying diapers, they would be followed before long by ships carrying long-range rockets" – Abraham Rabinovich 


    Here's some pertinent questions to ask… 


    1. Why is there a shortage of diapers in Gaza? (diapers is the specific item as quoted by Abraham Rabinovich in his article). Are Palestinian babies less human than Israeli babies? 


    2. Why does Israel allow in only 25% of the total goods in volume (~2,500 trucks a month) that it had permitted into Gaza before the June 2007 (~10,400 trucks a month). Did 1,125,000 Palestinians suddenly emigrate to other countries leaving only 375,000 residing in Gaza? 


    3. Why has Israel severely restricted the types of goods entering Gaza to only 40 items? (compared to approximately 4,000 types of goods that were listed as entering Gaza before June 2007). Did the Palestinians voluntarily decide to eschew the necessities of modern life, become hermits and go on a mass diet?


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    "The Palestinians, of course, are no less to blame than Israel for the political stalemate, given their internal rivalries, their past negotiating positions and their recourse to terror."

    "Internal rivalries" ie. they don't all vote for the same party.

    "Past negotiating positions" ie. They won't stay in the corner we forced an ailing and corrupt Arafat into.

    "their recourse to terror." ie. they refuse to lie down.


    I agree Aaron. This article is hasbara lite.

  • Ant. Having a bit of trouble with formatting. Is it your site or me?