Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein trav­els across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, the United States, Britain, Greece, and Australia to witness the reality of disaster capitalism. He discovers how companies such as G4S, Serco, and Halliburton cash in on or­ganized misery in a hidden world of privatized detention centers, militarized private security, aid profiteering, and destructive mining.

Disaster has become big business. Talking to immigrants stuck in limbo in Britain or visiting immigration centers in America, Loewenstein maps the secret networks formed to help cor­porations bleed what profits they can from economic crisis. He debates with Western contractors in Afghanistan, meets the locals in post-earthquake Haiti, and in Greece finds a country at the mercy of vulture profiteers. In Papua New Guinea, he sees a local commu­nity forced to rebel against predatory resource companies and NGOs.

What emerges through Loewenstein’s re­porting is a dark history of multinational corpo­rations that, with the aid of media and political elites, have grown more powerful than national governments. In the twenty-first century, the vulnerable have become the world’s most valu­able commodity. Disaster Capitalism is published by Verso in 2015 and in paperback in January 2017.

Profits_of_doom_cover_350Vulture capitalism has seen the corporation become more powerful than the state, and yet its work is often done by stealth, supported by political and media elites. The result is privatised wars and outsourced detention centres, mining companies pillaging precious land in developing countries and struggling nations invaded by NGOs and the corporate dollar. Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein travels to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea and across Australia to witness the reality of this largely hidden world of privatised detention centres, outsourced aid, destructive resource wars and militarized private security. Who is involved and why? Can it be stopped? What are the alternatives in a globalised world? Profits of Doom, published in 2013 and released in an updated edition in 2014, challenges the fundamentals of our unsustainable way of life and the money-making imperatives driving it. It is released in an updated edition in 2014.
forgodssakecover Four Australian thinkers come together to ask and answer the big questions, such as: What is the nature of the universe? Doesn't religion cause most of the conflict in the world? And Where do we find hope?   We are introduced to different belief systems – Judaism, Christianity, Islam – and to the argument that atheism, like organised religion, has its own compelling logic. And we gain insight into the life events that led each author to their current position.   Jane Caro flirted briefly with spiritual belief, inspired by 19th century literary heroines such as Elizabeth Gaskell and the Bronte sisters. Antony Loewenstein is proudly culturally, yet unconventionally, Jewish. Simon Smart is firmly and resolutely a Christian, but one who has had some of his most profound spiritual moments while surfing. Rachel Woodlock grew up in the alternative embrace of Baha'i belief but became entranced by its older parent religion, Islam.   Provocative, informative and passionately argued, For God's Sakepublished in 2013, encourages us to accept religious differences, but to also challenge more vigorously the beliefs that create discord.  
After Zionism, published in 2012 and 2013 with co-editor Ahmed Moor, brings together some of the world s leading thinkers on the Middle East question to dissect the century-long conflict between Zionism and the Palestinians, and to explore possible forms of a one-state solution. Time has run out for the two-state solution because of the unending and permanent Jewish colonization of Palestinian land. Although deep mistrust exists on both sides of the conflict, growing numbers of Palestinians and Israelis, Jews and Arabs are working together to forge a different, unified future. Progressive and realist ideas are at last gaining a foothold in the discourse, while those influenced by the colonial era have been discredited or abandoned. Whatever the political solution may be, Palestinian and Israeli lives are intertwined, enmeshed, irrevocably. This daring and timely collection includes essays by Omar Barghouti, Jonathan Cook, Joseph Dana, Jeremiah Haber, Jeff Halper, Ghada Karmi, Antony Loewenstein, Saree Makdisi, John Mearsheimer, Ahmed Moor, Ilan Pappe, Sara Roy and Phil Weiss.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the door for a bold, progressive social movement. But despite widespread revulsion at economic inequity and political opportunism, after the crash very little has changed. Has the Left failed? What agenda should progressives pursue? And what alternatives do they dare to imagine? Left Turn, published by Melbourne University Press in 2012 and co-edited with Jeff Sparrow, is aimed at the many Australians disillusioned with the political process. It includes passionate and challenging contributions by a diverse range of writers, thinkers and politicians, from Larissa Berendht and Christos Tsiolkas to Guy Rundle and Lee Rhiannon. These essays offer perspectives largely excluded from the mainstream. They offer possibilities for resistance and for a renewed struggle for change.
The Blogging Revolution, released by Melbourne University Press in 2008, is a colourful and revelatory account of bloggers around the globe why live and write under repressive regimes - many of them risking their lives in doing so. Antony Loewenstein's travels take him to private parties in Iran and Egypt, internet cafes in Saudi Arabia and Damascus, to the homes of Cuban dissidents and into newspaper offices in Beijing, where he discovers the ways in which the internet is threatening the ruld of governments. Through first-hand investigations, he reveals the complicity of Western multinationals in assisting the restriction of information in these countries and how bloggers are leading the charge for change. The blogging revolution is a superb examination about the nature of repression in the twenty-first century and the power of brave individuals to overcome it. It was released in an updated edition in 2011, post the Arab revolutions, and an updated Indian print version in 2011.
The best-selling book on the Israel/Palestine conflict, My Israel Question - on Jewish identity, the Zionist lobby, reporting from Palestine and future Middle East directions - was released by Melbourne University Press in 2006. A new, updated edition was released in 2007 (and reprinted again in 2008). The book was short-listed for the 2007 NSW Premier's Literary Award. Another fully updated, third edition was published in 2009. It was released in all e-book formats in 2011. An updated and translated edition was published in Arabic in 2012.

Olmert is a Zionist legend (argues “journalist”)

When former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert visits America, he is welcomed as a war criminal.

In Australia, Foreign Editor Greg Sheridan of Rupert Murdoch’s The Australian treats him like a glorious hero:

Ehud Olmert is a giant of contemporary Middle East politics. As Israel’s prime minister he made war – twice – in Lebanon in 2006, and in the Gaza Strip earlier this year. He’s also tried to make peace, offering the Palestinian leader, Mahmoud Abbas, the most extensive concessions any Israeli leader has ever brought to the table in the search for a settlement.

Now Olmert’s out of office, not because he lost an election but because he is fighting corruption charges in the courts. Previous such charges against him came to nothing and Olmert has always asserted his innocence.

In Sydney this week, I conducted, perhaps, the longest interview and discussion Olmert has undertaken with any media since leaving office in March after more than three years as prime minister.

Dressed in jeans and black T-shirt with a Red Bull logo, Olmert looked pretty chipper for a balding lawyer with a modest paunch in his early 60s who’d just flown 24 hours from Israel.

For 90 minutes in the boardroom of Sydney’s Park Hyatt, and then over a relaxed lunch with his wife, Aliza, at Circular Quay, Olmert talked with remarkable frankness about the military campaigns in Gaza and Lebanon, the historic peace deal he offered the Palestinians, President Barack Obama’s Middle East policy and the options for action against Iran.

Olmert’s role in history is a big one. If he clears his name of the corruption charges he could come back to the centre of Israeli life, as previous prime ministers – like Likud’s Benjamin Netanyahu, now PM for the second time – and Labour’s Ehud Barak, who both staged comebacks.

  • ej

    Sheridan is still paying off the debt incurred with those free trips to Israel.  And behind that the deference to the US as lord and master.

    Sheridan was groomed to be a flunkey and he has performed that role with unqualified excellence since his first days as a placed novice in Packer's Bulletin.

    But surely Sheridan has let the team down in bringing up that little pecadillo of Olmert's corruption.

    Mass murder is a great achievement, as there are now less A-rabs, but we can't have upwardly mobile pollies who represent our agenda earning a little bit on the side can we?

    The answer is obvious – overlook the petty graft so that this mass murderer can be restored to the main game.

  • jonathon miller

    I think its important that a deep understanding is developed of what the issue of Palestine means to the right-wing. I think that what is needed is a strong phenomenological account of how the right-wing employ the issue of Palestine, but to also create a deep understanding of what Palestine actually means to the right-wing. It seems to me that for the right-wing the issue of Palestine has become a statement in itself, similar to, say, the way that the right-wing denies climate change. It is a rallying point. That is how the right-wing does politics. It seems to me that they strive for issues that they can apply a commonality to, i.e an attraction to masculine power and a desire to continually denounce and punish the desperate and dispossessed. The very act of publicly supporting the Israeli state and its apartheid agenda is an emotive act of aggression. They need to be truly held accountable for what they say, however, in order for this to happen I think it needs to be contextually understood why greg sheridan will say what he does.

  • Kevin Charles Herber

    Sheridan is a right wing flunkey looking for a soft landing in one of the US right wing think tanks, when his days at News Ltd are thru.
    Sheridan is to investigative journalism what Laslo Toth is to religious art ( thanks to Gough W).

  • epi

    a phenomenological study – deep or not – may be handy to understand zionists, but to "understand why greg sheridan will say what he does" requires no such analysis. sheridan says what he does because he gets paid to.

  • jonathon miller

    I really don’t wish to spend time talking about greg sheridan… However, I was, in part, referring to him as a kind-of metaphor for the right-wing and conservative opinion on Palestine in Australia. While I agree that he does get paid for his views on the Palestinian people this is also not an adequate explanation for why there is so much opposition to universal rights for Palestinians. His views are, to me, extremely emotive, loaded with anger and hatred toward the Palestinians and anyone who supports their cause.
    It seems that sheridan sees himself as a zionist. This article of his reads like a fantasy or a dream where olmert is portrayed as some sort of a king with a mandate to rule over endless dominions. I have no idea whether he consciously feels this way about Palestine, but it shows that he is aware of the issue of Palestine as a statement  for which angry conservatives can find common ground.
    Because there is no conscious reason to hate the Palestinians, any hate directed at the Palestinians has to be a displaced emotion. The fact that such vitriol toward a people exists indicates two things; that a discourse of hate is permissible in our society, and that the issue of Palestine invokes an unconscious neuroses which the discourse of hate is an expression of. This is typified by sheridan. In regards to our society, the issue of Palestine is worthy of greater phenomenological criticism because of its potential to invoke such unconscious anger in certain people, and I think that this aspect of the way the issue of Palestine plays out in our society needs a lot more attention. If there is a greater understanding of the neurotic processes involved than more people can be further held accountable.

  • Gee Antony, for someone who spends a lot of time arguing about the legitimacy of alternative voices and the importance of bloggers in political discourse, you're very quick to label others. In what way is Greg Sheridan not a journalist? Because he is biased? Because he fails to adequately (in your view) declare he has been lobbied and junketed? Or just because he disagrees with your opinion?