Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein trav­els across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, the United States, Britain, Greece, and Australia to witness the reality of disaster capitalism. He discovers how companies such as G4S, Serco, and Halliburton cash in on or­ganized misery in a hidden world of privatized detention centers, militarized private security, aid profiteering, and destructive mining.

Disaster has become big business. Talking to immigrants stuck in limbo in Britain or visiting immigration centers in America, Loewenstein maps the secret networks formed to help cor­porations bleed what profits they can from economic crisis. He debates with Western contractors in Afghanistan, meets the locals in post-earthquake Haiti, and in Greece finds a country at the mercy of vulture profiteers. In Papua New Guinea, he sees a local commu­nity forced to rebel against predatory resource companies and NGOs.

What emerges through Loewenstein’s re­porting is a dark history of multinational corpo­rations that, with the aid of media and political elites, have grown more powerful than national governments. In the twenty-first century, the vulnerable have become the world’s most valu­able commodity. Disaster Capitalism is published by Verso in 2015 and in paperback in January 2017.

Profits_of_doom_cover_350Vulture capitalism has seen the corporation become more powerful than the state, and yet its work is often done by stealth, supported by political and media elites. The result is privatised wars and outsourced detention centres, mining companies pillaging precious land in developing countries and struggling nations invaded by NGOs and the corporate dollar. Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein travels to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea and across Australia to witness the reality of this largely hidden world of privatised detention centres, outsourced aid, destructive resource wars and militarized private security. Who is involved and why? Can it be stopped? What are the alternatives in a globalised world? Profits of Doom, published in 2013 and released in an updated edition in 2014, challenges the fundamentals of our unsustainable way of life and the money-making imperatives driving it. It is released in an updated edition in 2014.
forgodssakecover Four Australian thinkers come together to ask and answer the big questions, such as: What is the nature of the universe? Doesn't religion cause most of the conflict in the world? And Where do we find hope?   We are introduced to different belief systems – Judaism, Christianity, Islam – and to the argument that atheism, like organised religion, has its own compelling logic. And we gain insight into the life events that led each author to their current position.   Jane Caro flirted briefly with spiritual belief, inspired by 19th century literary heroines such as Elizabeth Gaskell and the Bronte sisters. Antony Loewenstein is proudly culturally, yet unconventionally, Jewish. Simon Smart is firmly and resolutely a Christian, but one who has had some of his most profound spiritual moments while surfing. Rachel Woodlock grew up in the alternative embrace of Baha'i belief but became entranced by its older parent religion, Islam.   Provocative, informative and passionately argued, For God's Sakepublished in 2013, encourages us to accept religious differences, but to also challenge more vigorously the beliefs that create discord.  
After Zionism, published in 2012 and 2013 with co-editor Ahmed Moor, brings together some of the world s leading thinkers on the Middle East question to dissect the century-long conflict between Zionism and the Palestinians, and to explore possible forms of a one-state solution. Time has run out for the two-state solution because of the unending and permanent Jewish colonization of Palestinian land. Although deep mistrust exists on both sides of the conflict, growing numbers of Palestinians and Israelis, Jews and Arabs are working together to forge a different, unified future. Progressive and realist ideas are at last gaining a foothold in the discourse, while those influenced by the colonial era have been discredited or abandoned. Whatever the political solution may be, Palestinian and Israeli lives are intertwined, enmeshed, irrevocably. This daring and timely collection includes essays by Omar Barghouti, Jonathan Cook, Joseph Dana, Jeremiah Haber, Jeff Halper, Ghada Karmi, Antony Loewenstein, Saree Makdisi, John Mearsheimer, Ahmed Moor, Ilan Pappe, Sara Roy and Phil Weiss.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the door for a bold, progressive social movement. But despite widespread revulsion at economic inequity and political opportunism, after the crash very little has changed. Has the Left failed? What agenda should progressives pursue? And what alternatives do they dare to imagine? Left Turn, published by Melbourne University Press in 2012 and co-edited with Jeff Sparrow, is aimed at the many Australians disillusioned with the political process. It includes passionate and challenging contributions by a diverse range of writers, thinkers and politicians, from Larissa Berendht and Christos Tsiolkas to Guy Rundle and Lee Rhiannon. These essays offer perspectives largely excluded from the mainstream. They offer possibilities for resistance and for a renewed struggle for change.
The Blogging Revolution, released by Melbourne University Press in 2008, is a colourful and revelatory account of bloggers around the globe why live and write under repressive regimes - many of them risking their lives in doing so. Antony Loewenstein's travels take him to private parties in Iran and Egypt, internet cafes in Saudi Arabia and Damascus, to the homes of Cuban dissidents and into newspaper offices in Beijing, where he discovers the ways in which the internet is threatening the ruld of governments. Through first-hand investigations, he reveals the complicity of Western multinationals in assisting the restriction of information in these countries and how bloggers are leading the charge for change. The blogging revolution is a superb examination about the nature of repression in the twenty-first century and the power of brave individuals to overcome it. It was released in an updated edition in 2011, post the Arab revolutions, and an updated Indian print version in 2011.
The best-selling book on the Israel/Palestine conflict, My Israel Question - on Jewish identity, the Zionist lobby, reporting from Palestine and future Middle East directions - was released by Melbourne University Press in 2006. A new, updated edition was released in 2007 (and reprinted again in 2008). The book was short-listed for the 2007 NSW Premier's Literary Award. Another fully updated, third edition was published in 2009. It was released in all e-book formats in 2011. An updated and translated edition was published in Arabic in 2012.

On the front-line

Laila El-Haddad is a journalist, blogger and mother living in Gaza City. The Guardian has commissioned her to write a series on the forthcoming Palestinian election. Her first entry offers some perspective on life in Gaza and the current security issues:

“We’ve had an unusual spell of quiet in our otherwise troubled little Gaza this week. That may be attributed in part to the four-day Eid al-Adha holiday, which comes to its conclusion today. That, in combination with an ailing Ariel Sharon and calls by Mahmoud Abbas to armed groups for some “calm” (not that his calls have necessarily been heeded in the past), has meant a somewhat quieter week: no kidnappings, no government-building takeovers, no night-time machine gun banter between police forces and “disgruntled gunmen” to keep us entertained during breaks from Israeli sonic booms and artillery shells.

“The brief calm also seems to strengthen the argument of those who posit that the recent chaos was, in fact, premeditated by certain political elements in an effort to destabilise the government or postpone elections. My guess is the gunmen are too busy devouring their Eid meat.”

  • Ibrahamav

    At the end, she lays it on the line. It is the Palestinians who must end violence as a means.

  • boredinHK

    I got this from Alert and Alarmed. It is a bit of background I think is useful to read.Alias said… Having lived most of my life in lebenon these are my views on what I call Palestinian Institutionalized Anarchy which should give some insight into Mr Squires questions on Israels wall>In stage 3 of Yasir Arafat’s Low Intensity Conflict and Terror Offensive waged against Israel in 2002 (when trapped in the Mukata’a after the Passover Massacre in Netanya and during Operation Defensive Shield) the Chairman decided on a policy of what has been referred to in these columns as “planned anarchy.” He no longer authorized terror operations against Israel but rather gave the green light for everyone to execute any and all attacks on their own. Israel countered with Operation Determined Wayand began building the security fence. But once anarchy is developed as a policy in one domain its underlying reasoning spreads to other spheres. With anarchy there is no accountability. Arafat wanted it both ways; he would be President (or Chairman) but not be responsible for actions taken against Israel by the different Palestinian factions. Arafat “institutionalized” anarchy not only in the “armed struggle” against Israel but in every aspect of Palestinian existence. At any given time Arafat had 8 to 12 different competing police and security forces vying for control in the field with loyalties scattered among different strongmen (ex: Jabril Rajoub, Mohammed Dahlan, Tufik Tirawi, etc.) who in turn were all indebted to him. Only on rare occasions did any of these underlings attempt to enforce law and order. They certainly did not see their function as halting terror attacks against Israel and often with Arafat’s full approval participated in the terror. Non-Palestinian Authority militias/terrorists such as the Fatah Al-Aksa Brigades, the Hamas and the Islamic Jihad were allowed to roam free, blasting away at Israelis. Today, under the hapless PA President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) the charade continues.Arafat left no successor, no credible legislature or court system, no viable tax collection or state financial apparatus and no unified police or security apparatus loyal to the Palestinian Authority as a state institution in the making. Most monies were funneled through Arafat himself (and used for terrorism or embezzled). The political and security factions all distrusted each other. Arafat was the sole authority and he demanded chaos. It was plenty logical since anarchy served a dual purpose as it still does today. Israel cannot negotiate a cease-fire or an end to terrorism with the free-for-all of Palestinian factions challenging and undermining one another. Secondly, everyone was loyal to the Chairman, or at least showed deference. With no Arafat at the helm holding most of the strings (and funds) none of the PA affiliated groups or terror organizations are loyal to anyone but themselves.Furthermore, in Gaza, many extended families are fully armed and finance themselves by smuggling in weaponry and civilian products from Egypt through Sinai. Kassam rockets are fired at will and any Israeli security zone in northern Gaza is useless. Chaos has devolved Gazan society to the point where anyone with a weapon is his own ruler and can organize an armed faction. Arafat’s centrality of anarchy is triumphant. Israel has no Palestinian negotiating partner who can enforce an agreement on the militias and terror groups. As for the Palestinians, they have no government, no security, no economy and no hope for the future.Whether the January 25 elections are held or not, it will make little difference considering the proliferation of armed factions. A year after Abu Mazen succeeded him; Arafat’s institutionalized anarchy has defeated all attempts at Palestinian nation building. Israel is getting ready for another round of terrorism, but the real losers are the Palestinian People. They will suffer from Arafat’s legacy of chaos for many years to come.Additional articles can be found at