Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein trav­els across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea, the United States, Britain, Greece, and Australia to witness the reality of disaster capitalism. He discovers how companies such as G4S, Serco, and Halliburton cash in on or­ganized misery in a hidden world of privatized detention centers, militarized private security, aid profiteering, and destructive mining.

Disaster has become big business. Talking to immigrants stuck in limbo in Britain or visiting immigration centers in America, Loewenstein maps the secret networks formed to help cor­porations bleed what profits they can from economic crisis. He debates with Western contractors in Afghanistan, meets the locals in post-earthquake Haiti, and in Greece finds a country at the mercy of vulture profiteers. In Papua New Guinea, he sees a local commu­nity forced to rebel against predatory resource companies and NGOs.

What emerges through Loewenstein’s re­porting is a dark history of multinational corpo­rations that, with the aid of media and political elites, have grown more powerful than national governments. In the twenty-first century, the vulnerable have become the world’s most valu­able commodity. Disaster Capitalism is published by Verso in 2015 and in paperback in January 2017.

Profits_of_doom_cover_350Vulture capitalism has seen the corporation become more powerful than the state, and yet its work is often done by stealth, supported by political and media elites. The result is privatised wars and outsourced detention centres, mining companies pillaging precious land in developing countries and struggling nations invaded by NGOs and the corporate dollar. Best-selling journalist Antony Loewenstein travels to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Haiti, Papua New Guinea and across Australia to witness the reality of this largely hidden world of privatised detention centres, outsourced aid, destructive resource wars and militarized private security. Who is involved and why? Can it be stopped? What are the alternatives in a globalised world? Profits of Doom, published in 2013 and released in an updated edition in 2014, challenges the fundamentals of our unsustainable way of life and the money-making imperatives driving it. It is released in an updated edition in 2014.
forgodssakecover Four Australian thinkers come together to ask and answer the big questions, such as: What is the nature of the universe? Doesn't religion cause most of the conflict in the world? And Where do we find hope?   We are introduced to different belief systems – Judaism, Christianity, Islam – and to the argument that atheism, like organised religion, has its own compelling logic. And we gain insight into the life events that led each author to their current position.   Jane Caro flirted briefly with spiritual belief, inspired by 19th century literary heroines such as Elizabeth Gaskell and the Bronte sisters. Antony Loewenstein is proudly culturally, yet unconventionally, Jewish. Simon Smart is firmly and resolutely a Christian, but one who has had some of his most profound spiritual moments while surfing. Rachel Woodlock grew up in the alternative embrace of Baha'i belief but became entranced by its older parent religion, Islam.   Provocative, informative and passionately argued, For God's Sakepublished in 2013, encourages us to accept religious differences, but to also challenge more vigorously the beliefs that create discord.  
After Zionism, published in 2012 and 2013 with co-editor Ahmed Moor, brings together some of the world s leading thinkers on the Middle East question to dissect the century-long conflict between Zionism and the Palestinians, and to explore possible forms of a one-state solution. Time has run out for the two-state solution because of the unending and permanent Jewish colonization of Palestinian land. Although deep mistrust exists on both sides of the conflict, growing numbers of Palestinians and Israelis, Jews and Arabs are working together to forge a different, unified future. Progressive and realist ideas are at last gaining a foothold in the discourse, while those influenced by the colonial era have been discredited or abandoned. Whatever the political solution may be, Palestinian and Israeli lives are intertwined, enmeshed, irrevocably. This daring and timely collection includes essays by Omar Barghouti, Jonathan Cook, Joseph Dana, Jeremiah Haber, Jeff Halper, Ghada Karmi, Antony Loewenstein, Saree Makdisi, John Mearsheimer, Ahmed Moor, Ilan Pappe, Sara Roy and Phil Weiss.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the door for a bold, progressive social movement. But despite widespread revulsion at economic inequity and political opportunism, after the crash very little has changed. Has the Left failed? What agenda should progressives pursue? And what alternatives do they dare to imagine? Left Turn, published by Melbourne University Press in 2012 and co-edited with Jeff Sparrow, is aimed at the many Australians disillusioned with the political process. It includes passionate and challenging contributions by a diverse range of writers, thinkers and politicians, from Larissa Berendht and Christos Tsiolkas to Guy Rundle and Lee Rhiannon. These essays offer perspectives largely excluded from the mainstream. They offer possibilities for resistance and for a renewed struggle for change.
The Blogging Revolution, released by Melbourne University Press in 2008, is a colourful and revelatory account of bloggers around the globe why live and write under repressive regimes - many of them risking their lives in doing so. Antony Loewenstein's travels take him to private parties in Iran and Egypt, internet cafes in Saudi Arabia and Damascus, to the homes of Cuban dissidents and into newspaper offices in Beijing, where he discovers the ways in which the internet is threatening the ruld of governments. Through first-hand investigations, he reveals the complicity of Western multinationals in assisting the restriction of information in these countries and how bloggers are leading the charge for change. The blogging revolution is a superb examination about the nature of repression in the twenty-first century and the power of brave individuals to overcome it. It was released in an updated edition in 2011, post the Arab revolutions, and an updated Indian print version in 2011.
The best-selling book on the Israel/Palestine conflict, My Israel Question - on Jewish identity, the Zionist lobby, reporting from Palestine and future Middle East directions - was released by Melbourne University Press in 2006. A new, updated edition was released in 2007 (and reprinted again in 2008). The book was short-listed for the 2007 NSW Premier's Literary Award. Another fully updated, third edition was published in 2009. It was released in all e-book formats in 2011. An updated and translated edition was published in Arabic in 2012.

Zionist incitement grows against critical voices

With growing signs in Israel of crushing dissent, this article by Hadas Ziv, director of Physicians for Human Rights Israel and published in Maariv, is revealing of a deeper mindset. At what point does the world realise that many hardline Israelis have no interest in real democracy?

In the course of Operation Cast Lead there was a sense — in Israel as well — that irregular acts that were immoral had been committed. Upon the conclusion of the operation, demands were made in Israel and around the world to conduct an independent investigation of the events in Gaza that would investigate both Hamas’s actions and Israel’s conduct. A committee headed by Judge Goldstone was formed, which made a public request for testimony in tandem with its request to the Israeli government, the Palestinian Authority and the Hamas government in Gaza to allow it to arrive in the region.

Any reasonable person who is summoned to appear before a judge should testify to what he saw and experienced. That is the essence of giving testimony before a judge, and he is the one who is supposed to paint for himself a picture that stems from the aggregate of witnesses and testimony. The implication of the arguments presented by the Im Tirtzu non-profit organization, with the support of [Maariv journalist] Ben Caspit, is that it would be better to dodge, lie and cheat only in order to defend the actions of the army, even if they were immoral.

The Israeli government would have done well had it gathered soldiers, officers and statesmen to present the Gaza Goldstone committee with the aggregate of evidence. It is reasonable to assume that the army’s testimony would have enhanced Goldstone’s ability to reach the truth. Had they bothered to testify, the weight of the testimony that we introduced would have diminished from 42% to a marginal amount. But perhaps that is precisely what troubles Ben Caspit and Im Tirtzu: the possibility that the truth about the turn of events in Gaza would have become clearer not only to Judge Goldstone but also and mainly to us.

Judge Goldstone — the man whom Caspit beholds as a “despicable liar” — not only asked but actually begged Israel to allow him to hear its testimony, opinion and interpretation of the turn of events in the course of Operation Cast Lead. Goldstone said explicitly that his report was incomplete precisely because he was not allowed to visit Israel and to hear the testimony of its statesmen and soldiers. He also says very clearly that the report gives rise to suspected war crimes but, since it is restricted in its ability to investigate, a local, independent and worthy investigation was necessary both in Gaza and in Israel.

That integrity — which Judge Goldstone paid for by becoming a persona non grata in our country—was nowhere to be found in Ben Caspit’s article. If Ben Caspit truly wanted to give “side two,” as he referred to the New Israel Fund in his report, a real opportunity to respond — why did he only provide it with a select number of pages instead of the full version of the Im Tirtzu report for it to read? If the report cites a large number of organizations and individuals, why did he not bother to ask them for their response?  But far more significant is the discernment that Caspit wrote an article that was relevant three months ago. Today Israeli society, officials in the Justice Ministry and the Foreign Ministry, MKs and cabinet ministers all understand that the refusal to testify before Goldstone was a mistake. Many of them believe that had Israel provided all of the information it had and created an atmosphere of cooperation, the committee would have been more capable of investigating the truth.

The norm is to say that the media is biased in favor of the left wing. Many studies have demonstrated that not only is that not the case, but that in times of conflict or a fight with external forces, the media tends to toe the government line. Caspit’s article shows that sometimes the media even goes further to the right than the government.

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